Only Human: A Book of Aphorisms

Only Human: A Book of Aphorisms

By: Reece Gatliff 

Justice is what, per Plato, the government says it is, nothing more, nothing less.

Just what the government determines justice to be exactly changes based on what class has taken over the reigns of government.

The truth: All the Gods and Goddesses are real. We just don’t believe in many of them anymore, especially as God won out per the Koran in making most humans believe in Him through frequent display of His immense Power.

The Bible proves that human beings, kings and commoners alike, really did live hundreds-of-years, when the Earth was purer, younger.

The author of The Social History of the Third Reich argued that whatever a society believes itself to be is the reality, regardless of the beliefs of the historian. The Nazi German State/Society and its Government were both parts of the totalitarian New Order because enough of Nazi Germany’s citizens believed that their Society and Government were but two parts of the self-same totalitarian New Order.

Likewise, most do not believe living currently in the historic, surviving Socialist camp nations the they live under an undemocratic, totalitarian, Communist dictatorship: Socialist Society globally, instead, sees itself as being a vibrant Socialist democracy with a genuine Socialist bill of rights and full Socialist citizenship rights and duties.

C.S. Lewis’s contribution to Christianity was that he revived the Crusader Spirit, for modern Christians, in the face of the great evil of National-Socialism. The Crusader Spirit is a fail-safe, a self-defense mechanism that the true Christian can call upon when facing a reality of annihilation.


Two Versions of the The Lord’s Prayer (My Translation from the original Greek)

Father, who is with us in Heaven

Holy be your name

Your kingdom come

You will be done

Just as in Heaven also on Earth

Give us today our necessary bread

And forgive us our collective debts/sins

Just as we forgave our collective debtors/sinners

And bring us not to trial/temptation

But send us away from evil

The Social State: An Outline of 21st-Century Socialism

The Social State: An Outline of 21st-Century Socialism

By: Reece Gatliff

Part One:

Principles of the Coming Social State

Section One – The First Principle:

The Right of the Weakest

The very first principle of the soon-to-be Social State or Society is this: The Human Right of the Weakest is to become the strongest!

To this end, Governmental authority will be rededicated to really, truly serving the popular classes, immensely aiding the creation of a “high reason and a fine culture”[1] of, by, and for the urban and rural working-class, the middle-class, and revolutionary intellectuals–We the People–under the democratic leadership of a People’s Government.

At this stage in our analysis of the Social State we still don’t have a firm, developed knowledge of the People’s Government that is to replace the deposed, old Governmental Power.

All we know, now, is the concept lying behind the People’s Government: What the author chooses to call in principio, the first principle, lifted directly from the first line of the beautifully simple Vulgate Bible’s version of Genesis 1:1.

The concept has its roots in everyday life, wherein we as individuals find ourselves always struggling to some capacity, it would seem, against the powers-that-be.

It is the lack of strong labor unions, the cruel, dictatorial authority of the boss to fire a worker simply for speaking up for themselves, for their fellow co-workers, the closed nature of the U.S. Government itself where despite our frenzied flurry of letters, frequent petitions, massive street protests, our constant mass strikes, etc. We the People are constantly met by this unjust Government with a vicious, violent combination of silence, tear gas, rubber bullets, the brutal lash of insulting words of hate and hurt flung at us every which way by our elected “representatives.” These awful, lawless attacks on us lie at the core of in principio.

This wretched, murderous class dictatorship, this tyrannical regime of capitalists and landlords, not just renders We the People wage-slaves, but it also tries hard to keep the entire globe’s unwashed masses in de facto wage-slavery as well.

In the name of We the People, the U.S. Government rains death onto other countries to lord over them.

It lords over them, in the name of our sovereign Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, God.

How very “Christian” of the regime!

We the People of the United States of America–now weak–can, must, will reign supreme, become strong, as equals regardless of race, nationality, or ethnic group, in a bright, reformed, liberated, and liberating mutual Social-Federal Union of Socialist States nationally.

The post-revolution U.S. shall ultimately turn into the true vox populi: The genuine Voice of the Nations, the most honest Voice of the Peoples of the world in a grand, global federation of democratic Socialist republics.

The U.S.’s oppressed proletariat, the author being but a single proletarian, is to be the jumping-off point for the first principle. The eventual Emancipation Proclamation issued initially by us “weak” wage-slaves against our “strong”, slaving capitalist masters in the U.S.A. after a decisive revolutionary victory in the field, then other Emancipation Proclamations drafted everywhere by all beaten-down human beings anywhere because of the collective pains of We the People are to begin the slow, arduous process of the enslaved weak finally managing to at long last make themselves the emancipated strong East, West, North, and South.

End Notes:

[1] Matthew Arnold, “Democracy”, in Culture and Anarchy and Other Writings, ed. Stefan Collini (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 20.

Report from the Trenches I

An After-Action Report from the Co-leader of the CPUSA-Utah Reece Gatliff

The fightback: I stood with comrades from Students for A Democratic Society (heavily hailing from the FRSO), Utahans Against Police Brutality (UAPB. Met a comrade from it, introduced myself), and of  course me and another fighting co-leader of the Communist Party of America-Utah.

We brave, few peoples’ vanguard fighters–all of us–fought through the ice and snow, the slice of the cold winter wind that chilled us to the marrow of our bones, our souls–whipped up for the mass political strike that never materialized: It never materialized, I think, I think because people are still afraid.

So, we showed people that they don’t have to be afraid no more.

We in the Party, in SDS, the FRSO, UAPB, fought with the people at the revolutionary front-line.

We are but a growing part of what cadre and leaders once called in the almost completely forgotten, it seems sometimes even to myself, beautifully non-sectarian Maoist Kasama Project a “revolutionary ecosystem.”

As a disabled person, I fight against this Gestapo chicken-shit because that same Gestapo chicken-shit is so horrible, so destructive.

We are constructivists.

We want to build up, not tear down, as the historic “moderate” Socialist Victor L. Berger from my home State of Wisconsin once could boast as a cardinal virtue of constructivism with a great, overwhelming sense of Red pride.

Overall, we had a good turn-out.

The truly oppressed spoke there, including someone rendered by this BS system “illegal.”

And we oppressed will keep speaking, keep fighting, got to until our “Red” State is truly Red, until the blood-red banner of Socialist democracy hangs down in the legislature below the wondrous, beauteous, now abused by these “Christian,” “brave,” “democratic,” and “freedom-loving” “representatives” who pray to God–who dare insult Him, He who can destroy their tiny “American” Empire like it’s nothing, as one of His holy books, the Koran, says, through His Chosen People known as the oppressed–Latin phrase Vox Populi. (“the Voice of the Nations”, or “the Peoples’ Voice”).


Someone once told me, someone who grew up on the mean streets of Chicago in the projects, a good friend, to go and fight the system proactively from within, not resorting to violence against the killer cops and the politicians like the Panthers and the Weather Underground had tried to do. (We will get our political prisoners out of prison one day after the mass strike inevitably flows forth like an irresistible tide in this country, those flawed, immaculate heroes and true peoples’ fighters! We shall be–nyet/no, are–the redemptive force for Good that is to defeat all that is Evil!)


And so, I fight.

We fought back there when others couldn’t fight, fought  through nationwide freak, freezing cold weather, in the thick of it, for those who didn’t feel like they could fight.

We the People of SLC have to fight, got to fight.

We the People of SLC are fighting, every day, and one day at a time because the people gotta take it one day at a time!


Co-leader of the CPUSA-Utah Reece Gatliff

Karl Kautsky’s “The Proletarian Revolution and Its Program” (Translated from the original German)

This has been a challenge to translate so far, as the book scanned from library archives in Stuttgart is in intricate Gothic cursive.

This book is not available anywhere in English, and seems to be almost forgotten by historians and laypeople alike.

He’d written the book published below in response to his close reading of the Majority Socialists’ 1921 Görlitz Program.

Kautsky came to believe circa 1920 that the Wiemar Republic was the German form of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

This fits with Kautsky’s controversial thinking hammered out in the 1920 preface he’d added to his 1909 book The Road to Power. The preface and book would be published by his son in conjunction with a skilled editor in the 1990s in a new, revised English edition (the online English version of the Road to Power unfortunately lacks the crucial 1920 preface).

The Wiemar Republic, despite being under a shaky bourgeois-Socialist coalition government since 1919, was moving inevitably to a bright, Socialist future that would be devoid of all traces of capitalism, to paraphrase the leading German Socialist theorist in the 1920 preface to The Road to Power.

The Proletarian Revolution and Its Program, published in 1922, was simply an attempt no doubt to elaborate on his modified beliefs.

The tragedy of March 1933 was thus this: Instead of an inspiring model for Socialist democracy that could’ve and probably would’ve resulted in Socialist republics elsewhere, the world was tragically blighted by the wholly avoidable death of a young, promising, and vibrant Socialistic democracy, WWII, the Holocaust, and the postwar division of a shattered Germany into two rival States.

All of those terrible events, the translator of this book believes, never had to happen.

Maybe all is right in the universe?

Hopefully this translation of such an old, almost entirely forgotten book will inspire people to fight for something so much better than this moribund transnational capitalism.

The Proletarian Revolution and Its Program (1922)

By: Karl Kautsky

Translation by: Reece Gatliff

Downloaded via

Original source of scanned archival material: Bibliothek der Friedrich–Ebert–Stiftung in Stuttgart


We apologize for the misprint made on page 166, in the printing made on 10/20. We have undertaken the correction of the the following sentence: “…property generates in conjunction with the product” should say [“…property generates in conjunction with the] means of production”.

On Our Revolution To Come

Author’s note: This was very difficult, kind of scary to write. I just listened to my empathy–God as I understand Him–who told me that I should write.

He told me that I would know what to write, and to keep writing, keep fighting.

To be kind to my self in-doing so.

And so I wrote.

And so I fought.

By: Reece Gatliff

The Revolution will come.

It will come so very soon, sooner than one might expect.

And when it comes, when it comes We the People will be  in full possession of political and economic power; the ill-gotten political and economic power of the ruling big bourgeoisie or capitalist class shall simply melt away.

Melt away not by mere, paltry “Socialist” or bourgeois-democratic reforms, no, it will melt away swiftly–in the swift blink of an eye–after the people break through the gates of Babylon: Babylon will fall quick, quicker still, so quick that these “Christian” rulers will have not the ability really to do much other than await citizens’ arrest in the halls of power.

All the king’s horses and all the king’s men will not be able to put Humpty–the old government–back together again.

They will try, but We the People will smash their pitiful, sniveling, their cowardly attempt to sweep back to power.

We the People will send, We the People will send missionaries to all lands, send them to all lands and thereby break forever more the old global order that has for too long relied and at-present been entirely based off of U.S. Imperial control–the control of the Earth’s dying, fighting urban and rural huddled proletarian masses by the strongest military ever in existence, the U.S. Army.

Tyrants both big and small will fall, especially those only still holding onto the reigns of power through generous, U.S. taxpayer dollars sent by the national Congress not to its dying, fighting people to build schools, fix our infrastructure, guarantee true economic and political human rights  but to fund the guns and bombs of these pitiful, wretched, stillborn regimes.

The people of the stillborn United States will at once issue an Economic and Political Second Socialist Bill of Rights, to be drafted as amendments to the existing national and State constitutions by the presently sovereign, not yet in power People’s Congress [of Resistance].  That Revolutionary People’s Constitutional Convention’s day is soon to come.

Perhaps it will come shortly, ever so shortly, as rapid as the closure of one’s eyelid?

The Republic will not just be saved, but democratized so heavily as to become at once a vibrant Socialist direct democracy based on Communal Councils and General Assemblies/Communes a la Venezuela.

All injustice will be so heavily fought against, things so effectively set to rights, that We the People will be able to at long last get some sleep at night knowing that the rich ruling-class will while we do so be sleeping, restless, in cold, dark prison cells.

The ICC’s recent clarion call will not be left unheeded, once the people are in charge.

All citizens will begin to see themselves as Socialist citizens, with the same duties and rights as citizens currently enjoy (for the most part)  in the U.S.A. The path to Socialist citizenship will be offered freely to all. All people not yet citizens will become citizens. ICE’s Gestapo officers and heads will be prosecuted through the Socialist legal system, through people’s courts set up by the new People’s Congress and by the regular courts purged the day after the revolution of all reactionary judges.

Separation of church and state will be made truly real, like the Founding Founders had envisioned.

Public schools will fall under the jurisdiction, district-by-district, not of State or even municipal governments, but that of each district’s parents, their students, educators, the entire community.

Universal higher public education will produce doctors, lawyers, etc. who will fight heavily for our oppressed people; the former will spread out across the lands, healing the sick and ending so much sickness globally by using the most advanced methods then made available to humankind thanks heavily to American doctors’ bold efforts and researches in conjunction with other countries’ doctors.

Famine will be a thing of the past everywhere.

Perhaps cancer, who knows, will no longer occur? After all, people will not be kept sick by a sick regime, a sick, decadent, dying for-profit healthcare system.

Neo-Nazism will be nevermore. It will be destroyed, flattened, ground into dust, through a combination of bans, education of the public and especially our country’s youth, and the lack of economic crises that all fascists always have historically past and present used to get people around a racist, sexist banner to preserve capitalism.

All fascism will go away because of these brave, bold, popular decisions.

Years from now, people will merely look back at Fascism here and globally as but a distant memory, only kept alive by teachers, historians, fiction writers to remind them how terrible and cynical it was during all those hard-scrabbled years ago.

The House of Cards is collapsing.

It has already collapsed.

The people just have to pull out the trump card, use it as their own trump card, and then it will crash and burn, fall into a broken heap of dust, parts, and ash.

In doing so, our Revolution will triumph.

It already has, for the Revolution is already in the hearts and minds of the American people of all races, nationalities, and ethnic groups.








Independent Socialist Ernst Däumig’s Speech at the First General Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils (My Translation With the German Text Printed Below)

Speech of the Independent Social-Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) Co-Chair Ernst Däumig at the All-German Council Congress:

Then, gentlemen, it is in this way a matter-of-fact that the history of the Revolutionary Parliament is not unique, self-made, yes, I say, it warms the soul that this has taken shape, that this first Revolutionary Parliament, that this has been formed here. Where is the huge mental shift, the ideal forceful shift, forced right through the gate by this National Convention? Where is the rejuvenation of youth, the enthusiasm of March, of the revolutionary years of 1848?  Where is the hymn, the enthusiasm of freedom, of the German People who have stood up? To infer not from all that!

When the history of these revolutionary weeks in Germany will be put to words, when to ponder the words of the German People itself will produce a smile: To preserve then the People, so blind, they see not, they are not themselves and are entrapped by this force sent down onto their throats? Regardless, then must each clear-thought be made real, the jubilant Social Contract made real by the coming National Assembly, the warrant of death for the system. Soon now you will belong to the Council System. And then you will have companionship, personally inaugurate a political Suicide Club. I gift them joy, and thanks to that I have played my part …

TextmaterialKritik von Ernst Däumig am Reichsrätekongress

Denn, meine Herren, kein einziges Revolutionsparlament der Geschichte hat einen so nüchternen, hausbackenen, ja ich sage, philiströsen Geist aufzuweisen, wie dieses erste Revolutionsparlament, das hier zusammengetreten ist. Wo ist der große seelische, ideale Schwung, der durch die Nationalkonvente durchging? Wo ist die jugendfrische Märzbegeisterung des Jahres 1848? Wo ist die Hymne, die aus der Freiheitsbegeisterung des deutschen Volkes entstanden ist? Nichts davon zu spüren!
Wenn die Geschichte dieser Revolutionswochen in Deutschland geschrieben werden wird, dann wird man sich lächelnd fragen: waren denn die Leute so blind, daß sie nicht sahen, daß sie sich selbst den Strick um den Hals legten? Denn das muß doch jedem Klardenkenden einleuchten, daß die jubelnde Zustimmung zur Nationalversammlung gleichbedeutend ist mit einem Todesurteil für das System, dem Sie jetzt angehören, für das Rätesystem. Und wenn Sie die Leidenschaft haben, einen politischen Selbstmörderklub darzustellen, ich lasse Ihnen das Vergnügen, ich für meinen Teil danke dafür …


Excerpts from “Beneath the Crimson Banner: A Novel of Alternate History”

It well recalls the triumphs past,
It gives the hope of peace at last;
The banner bright, the symbol plain,
Of human right and human gain.

Then raise the scarlet standard high.
Within its shade we’ll live and die,
Though cowards flinch and traitors sneer,
We’ll keep the red flag flying here.

–Jim Connel, “The Red Flag”

Beneath the Crimson Banner: A Novel of Alternate History

Chapter One

From Utah and the Great War: The Beehive State and the World War I Experience

Utah, in 1919, was in a constant process of becoming. Since the 1870s, the Beehive State’s non-Mormon population had grown steadily, while roughly 60 percent of Utah’s residents were still members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. Most of the population resided in expanding urban centers. Salt Lake City and Ogden were the State’s two largest cities, with the capital featuring a rising skyline, an overall growth in its population, and the expansion of the capital’s neighborhoods.

Despite the collective, societal strength garnered from the surge of patriotism washing over Utah in the form of State and Liberty Bonds, victory gardens, and a rousing celebration by returning veterans and residents in SLC at the Great War’s end, people were afraid.

The production of zinc, silver, copper, and gold was 54 percent below 1918 levels, with major mining companies either closing their mines or laying off workers in large numbers. The price of wheat fell steadily throughout 1919, hurting farmers greatly.

Strikes hit hard. Prior to the seizure of political power by the SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies laws came forth from the State legislature which attempted to suppress the inevitable. These laws came in the form of the so-called Red Flag and Sabotage bills, passed by wealthy capitalist legislators.

The Red Flag bill was put forth by capitalist legislator J.E. Cardon, who asserted harshly that his bill was a “warning to agitators that there is no place for them in this State.” It passed easily, with only ten senators against. Twenty-four representatives voted for and only five against the accompanying Sabotage bill, with the former targeting the nascent SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies and the latter the syndicalist IWW.

The SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies met initially in February 1919, calling for “mass action to build up a real democratic government, a government of the workers, for the workers, and by the workers, to take control of politics and industry out of the hands of big business.” It would send letters to labor unions across the State asking them to join its cause.

Police were quick to act against radicals, using the two new laws to make arrests. The IWW offices in SLC were quickly shut down along with its press, resulting in IWW Solidarity editor Ralph Chaplin complaining to the SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies. Calls for a mass political strike were soon issued by the SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies followed by arrests made at one of its weekly meetings by plainclothes police officers. Despite the repression the mass political strike, slated for May 1st, 1919–May Day–moved ahead at breakneck speed as unionists, workers, Socialists, and Communists all worked to organize it.

On May Day, in the early morning hours, mail bombs ended up on the desks of attorney Frank K. Necker, reactionary Democratic Senator William H. King, and conservative Senator Reed Smoot, killing all three individuals; a bomb also killed Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer, orchestrator of the national Red Scare, however the other thirty-two recipients were left unscathed. The mail bombs were likely delivered by a lone wolf murderer bent on causing mass chaos. The successful bombings pushed not just the Utah State government but also numerous other States and the Federal government over to the attempted brutal crushing of the May Day strike movement.

The Beehive State was gripped by the May Day strike soon afterwards.

The mass political strike brought the economy and government in Utah to a grinding halt. The progressive Jewish, non-Mormon Governor Simon Bamberger was forced to call out the National Guard in response to the unrest. The National Guardsmen, echoing what took place in other States on May Day, fired into crowds of striking workers, radicalizing them further. Many troops joined the strikers, allowing for the formation of a statewide workers’ militia, which soon began taking over whole towns and cities which was paralleled elsewhere in the country. New Social political and economic power became reality in SLC, with the SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies issuing a call to all revolutionary parties and movements to jointly create a Socialist State of Utah through the convocation of an All-Utah Congress of Councils of Workers’, Soldiers’, Sailors’, and Farmers’ Representatives.

The All-Utah Council Congress met on May 12th, 1919, just eleven days after the mass May Day political strike brought down the old bourgeois order in Utah. In the interest of unity, the Utah Socialist and Communist Parties agreed to form a working majority, governing jointly in a Socialist-Communist coalition government.

The formation of a Utahan Socialist Red Workers’ and Farmers’ Army was announced, while decrees on land and industry were read out to the delegates followed by much applause. Electing an executive committee to act as the supreme legislative and executive power between sessions of the Utah Council Congress and, starting work on a Socialist State constitution, representatives to the national Council Congress in Washington D.C. were sent as the Utah Council Congress’s last act on the first day of the convening of the sovereign Revolutionary Assembly.

Utah was now a Socialist State.

Eugene Victor Debs had been to Utah before, during his 1904 presidential campaign tour of the Beehive State. Then, the class struggle was hidden: Now, it had broken out into full-blown Social revolution. Arms outstretched, his lean, angular body bent forwards, Debs began speaking to the crowd of plain-clothed workers, soldiers, and sailors in the Salt Lake City Federation of Labor building. The SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies delegates whooped themselves hoarse as he did so.

His words broke through their throaty cheers, amplified by a microphone set up at the podium from which he stood: “There’s a new power in this great city, the combined political and economic power of the Salt Lake City Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies–your power!” That produced yet more cheers, forcing him to wait for the crowd to grow silent again. He continued, saying “I declare this meeting of the Salt Lake City Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies open!”

As the 1919 Socialist candidate for president of the Council of People’s Secretaries, he was given honorary chairmanship over the meeting. The actual council chairman banged his gavel at a nearby table situated below the stage he was on.

After some time, the council chairman adjourned the meeting. As Debs was about to leave the hall, a burly Socialist State workers’ militiaman came up to him. “Mr. Debs, sir, it was an honor to hear you speak for the first time. I’d heard from a fellow soldier in the trenches that heaven breaks when you speak, and boy did it break.”

“Good to know I broke heaven with my words, friend. It’s also good to know that you’ve stormed heaven. You have the looks of a miner. Did you work in the mines before fighting in the war?”

“Yes, I was a copper miner before our country’s bourgeoisie got us into that damned imperialist slaughter. Fought on the Western Front, against the stinking, baby-killing krauts.”

Debs frowned at the militiaman’s prejudiced words. Many a worker still thought not in internationalist class terms, but in terms of the old, racist bourgeois nation-state. Still, the veteran was doing his duty for the new Socialist State of Utah, as evidenced by the green militia uniform that he wore. The two men shook hands after having exchanged a few more words. Parting ways, Debs left the Federation of Labor building and melted into the large crowd filing outside of the entrance before catching a bus back to the train station.

Hopping onto the train, he settled into a hard-wooden seat. The train rolled on its way to Ogden. As it did so, he couldn’t help but smile, placing a bony hand onto the hat that he wore over his bald head and running his other hand down across his dapper tweed suit. The people’s revolution rolled on its way to victory, and so would he at its head.

International Affairs I

From the United Socialist Republic of Germany: A History, Chapter 1 “A Hopeful Beginning”

The Independent Socialists had decided, despite stark disagreements over the future direction of the German Revolution, to stay on the Council of People’s Deputies with the Majority Socialists. This gave them clout, allowing them to delay elections to the General Congress of the Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils from mid-December 1918 until late-January 1919.

Berlin was hit by a general strike led by the Spartacus Group on January 4th prior to the election. The Majority Socialist chairman of the Council of People’s Deputies Frederich Ebert had every right to feel nervous as he walked ceaselessly around his office. The streets were devoid of police, the guns from the local police headquarters distributed generously among liberated political prisoners by the Independent Socialist and new police commissioner Emil Eichhorn. While Karl Liebknecht rallied Berlin’s surging proletariat around the red banner of labor, Rosa Luxemburg worked relentlessly on The Red Flag to get the revolutionary word out with a captured printing press.

The Independent Socialists on the Council of People’s Deputies put pressure on Chairman Ebert to remain passive as the general strike spread from Berlin to the rest of Germany. The nationwide general strike pushed electors in the councils over to the side of the Independent Socialists. The result was an Independent Socialist-dominated Council Congress, which finally met in Berlin at the end of January, the troubled capital of Germany having become a labor commune under the radical administration of the Berlin Council of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies.

At the congress, the Independent Socialist Ernst Däumig could proudly boast that “soon now you will belong to the Council System. And then you will have companionship, personally inaugurate a political Suicide Club.”

The Majority Socialist Max Cohen, finding his party’s position at the congress hopeless, warned against the immediate Socialization of the means of production, arguing that there was hardly anything left to Socialize due to the war-induced economic malaise. His appeal had fallen on deaf ears. The delegates voted in favor of accepting the Communist Karl Liebknecht’s decree on the Socialization of industry, followed by a decree on land to stormy applause. Rosa Luxemburg next read out a decree on the punishment of the officers who had led the proletariat into the imperialist slaughter, followed by the immense clapping of hands and much cheering.

The delegates then named an executive committee to govern between sessions of the Council Congress, beginning work on a constitution for the new United Socialist Republic of Germany, modeling the preamble after the Soviet Declaration of Rights of the Working and Exploited People before adjourning for the day.

The moderate Majority Social-Democratic Party of Germany, it’s cadre pushed further leftwards, merged with the Independent Socialists, effectively re-forming a single Social-Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) under the leadership of the radical left. The re-formed SPD would jointly govern the new revolutionary State with the Communist Party of Germany (KPD).

The German Socialist republic was off to a hopeful beginning.

March 4th, 1921 marked not just the inauguration of the first president of the United Socialist States of America (USSA), but also the inauguration of the era of direct proletarian democracy.

The political revolution, long ago recognized by revolutionary Marxists on both sides of the Atlantic before the First Great War as a necessary precondition for Socialism, had come to fruition in America through the council movement.

A side-note, a breaking-up of the narrative to give a few words on my research methods.

The author in this humble endeavor is of the Communist persuasion, and thus makes no bones about “impartiality,” of which there can be no such thing in the study of history. Historians inevitably come with their own prejudices, thoughts, opinions, and beliefs which are colored by the dominant mode of production.

Any errors furthermore found in the resultant narrative by the watchful, critical eye of the student-historian are hereby proclaimed to be the fault of the Social, revisionist historian who’s authored this scholarly piece and no one else’s but their own.

Now on to the story at-hand.

Our story at-hand brings us to SLC. Following its being put under martial law due to the failed Mormon uprising of 1919, the capital of Utah saw great Social change as the SLC Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC) aided immensely the Socialization of the municipality. This Socialization crusade started most potently with the local press.

The municipal government, prior to the revolution, had completely shuttered the leftist press be it anarchist, Socialist, Communist, or syndicalist, acting not unlike the Russian Provisional Government in Petrograd before Red October.

The Red Socialist Johnathan Stubbs, head of the MRC which since the revolution had operated out of the strategic Rowland Hall-St. Mark’s School (“Our very own Smolny Institute” he was quite fond of saying, for it served as the HQ for the MRC, the multiparty SLC Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Council as well as the Socialist and Communist Party offices post-revolution), was forced to not just shutter such “yellow, calumnious papers of reaction” according to him as the liberal, anti-Mormon Salt Lake Tribune and the conservative Deseret News but he would also issue a ban on the Republican and Democratic Parties; both decisions were subject to the approval of the All-Utah Council Congress’s Central Executive Committee (CEC), which would promptly ratify them despite much heated, fractious debate–and dissent–coming from the Socialist Party side of the benches.

As 1919 slipped into 1920, after the fizzing out of the ruling-class’s sorry attempt at waging civil war on the victorious SLC workers, the ban on not just the yellow, bourgeois press had been lifted by the CEC but also the ban on the “Republican-Democratic Party,” too.

“Let them talk. Better yet, let them work with us.” Stubbs was quoted by the Red Socialist press as saying, a quote swiftly snapped up by newly-freed reactionary journalists. “That’s council democracy in action.” With those words, after the flash of numerous camera-bulbs and the noisome rolling of film-reel, Johnathan Stubbs retired back to the Rowland Hall-St. Mark’s School. He would continue to head Utah’s Social State security force until his premature death at 64 from lung cancer on January 21st, 1962: Around fifteen years before he’d served in the USSA’s Socialist Red Workers’ and Farmers’ Army during the Second Great War in a Social State security army detachment, wherein he would fight on the shores of fascist Spain and later help liberate Paris in 1945 from the die-hard French Popular Party’s Protection Squadron (the feared, battle-scarred, and genocidal arméescadron de protection or arméEP) units.

His last words uttered weakly on his deathbed according to his son years after his father’s death were “all is right, I believe, in the universe.”