The Spirit of 1776


Can you dig it?

Its gone under many battle-cries:

Workers of the world unite!

Liberty, Fraternity, Equality!

Peace, land, and Bread!

In a social revolution, the people “go under” and become heroes to themselves and the most vulnerable.

July 4th, 2017, and the days, weeks, months, and years that follow forthwith will go down in history as days, weeks, months, and years of hope amidst despair.

Despair threatens to seize hold of the people and leave them impotent and incapable of changing their fate. A tyrant currently holds the highest office in the land; petty tyrants staff the city councils, State legislatures, and the national Congress.

On July 4th, 1776 the people of the thirteen colonies declared their independence from Great Britain.

They pushed aside the tyrant King George III and all those petty tyrants in the municipalities and legislatures.

July 4th, 2017 should inspire us to push aside the tyrant Trump and every last petty tyrant, be they Democrat or Republican.







We Need To Fight: A Poem

We need to fight

We need to fight the powers that be

This war, these conflicts, which is all the capitalists can see

Death and destruction, Fascist “Americanism” setting democracy’s sun by force and bringing about wretched night

The Night of the Long Knives, the Night of Broken Glass, tyranny

Fascism is already here the Panthers yelled defiant

The democracy we have here is democracy for the capitalist, the bourgeois, not the worker black or white bought now by the Rich for a dear sum dearly

Slaves, we are slaves to the machine, pliant

And now we’ve been informed that they want to take away our healthcare

Paid sick-leave, if ever we had it!

The minimum wage lowered by Trump and Co. on a dare

A dare to see who can accelerate the class struggle the most, throw the worker and capitalist down into the war-torn hellish pit

To fight

To die

To live, with peace in sight

For fascism will pass us by

The Americanist Gestapo fascist imperialists and tricky, lying Trump

And all the running dogs and hanger-ons be they Republicans or Democrats

Will all find themselves in the people’s dump

where tyrants go, a place avoided by even the rats

Because everyone must fight, we rats of the Earth especially

So lets fight.

Lets end this bullshit together

We rats of the Earth









My Journey to Obtain Mental Well-Being and Independence

By: Reece Gatliff

My journey to obtain mental well-being and independence has been a long one, full of twists-and-turns, numerous setbacks and triumphs, and mighty struggles. This journey would overtime take me to Alliance House, to a better life.

A year ago from now, I was a wreck. Staying at an extended stay hotel, away from home, I chose to go into residential treatment up in Salt Lake City (SLC); the treatment program I chose was slated to last a year or more. I had a choice to only stay a month in a hospital up in Ohio, but I chose the harder option because I knew that what is hard is oftentimes the good in life.

Obsessive Compulsive Disorder (OCD) was the reason for going into treatment, extreme and very baffling OCD. Many a time while staying in residential treatment OCD thoughts cropped up and made it difficult to persevere. Trying, trying, always trying I failed again and again but kept on trying to beat the OCD; my initial attempts to beat it failed.

In October, having been in residential treatment since May 20th 2016, I briefly went to wilderness therapy in southern Utah. Sometimes, I wonder if it was for the best but the whole truth is wilderness gave me some of my worst life experiences and also some of my most wonderful ones. I furthermore figured out just how to win against it after a good long fight, leaving wilderness therapy in mid-November.

After a few hiccups and, after going out one of one residential treatment center to another, I was finally able to triumph over OCD. I applied to college and moved out of treatment into an apartment. This is the part of my story where Alliance House came into play. After a long while, I started attending Alliance House regularly, getting to know some great members and staff. I recently acquired a Transitional Employment (TE) opportunity at Wasatch Brewery.

Alliance House gives my life purpose. I love volunteering my time, always feeling both welcomed and useful. A year ago, I couldn’t imagine I’d be living independently in SLC. Nor could I imagine making something of myself as a writer, son, brother, and friend. I am hopeful for the future.

Daring to Dream Dangerously in the Post-Occupy World

Besides, we, the Social Democrats, do not

simply “want to make a noise like Socialists.” We

actually want to do something as Socialists. We want

to be constructive and build up, not only destructive

and tear down.

–Victor L. Berger

Occupy Wall Street. The name conjures up images of police brutality, masses of people taking over parks nationwide, and signs and banners proclaiming that we the people are the “99%” united against the rich “1%.” As a sixteen-year-old high school student living many years ago in Atlanta, a time which seems oftentimes like a distant memory, an echo, I had attended an Occupy Atlanta General Assembly (GA) meeting in downtown Woodruff Park. Then, there was no impossibilism for us, to use 20th-century Milwaukee socialist Victor L. Berger’s wonderful phrase: There was only the will of the people. I became convinced that we must build up rather than tear down; to this day, as a socialist I want to build up rather than tear down. The best way to build up is to create new GA’s. In daring to dream dangerously in the post-Occupy world, the impossible at once becomes possible.

Just what was the GA, that sphinx so tantalizing to the bourgeois mind?

The GA, simply put, was an organ of popular people’s power.

The first GA in New York was a logistical nightmare. New people to the GA found it hard to find their niche, to get involved in a working group or caucus; the working groups and caucuses themselves had trouble communicating with each other, hampering their effectiveness. Attendance was furthermore sporadic, marginalized members of the GA left out of the democratic process, with little to no accountability for financing the GA. Community and political engagement were lacking.

The answer to the chaos was the Spokes Council. In a document entitled The Structure of the New York General Assembly submitted by the Structure Working Group, the Spokes Council was proposed; shortly thereafter, it would be created.

The Village Voice reported on the initial meeting of the NYC GA Spokes Council. The Spokes Council met in “a sweaty high school cafeteria in lower Manhattan.”

The Village Voice explained that:

In contrast with the General Assembly, the Spokes Council uses actual microphones, meets indoors and operates on a “spokes” system: working groups that take part sit together and groups are arranged in a circle, like spokes on a wheel. Each working group is represented by an individual, or “spoke,” who rotates every meeting.

Made up of roughly 200 people, the new Spokes Council was better organized than the GA but still somewhat chaotic. Nonetheless, it was better than nothing.

Not just the Spokes Council but actual leaders arose in the GA, leading it and therefore transforming the GA somewhat into an organ of indirect democracy although direct democracy still predominated in spirit if not in practice.

The GA would ultimately be torn apart by factionalism and the repressive power of the state. Police dismantled the tents many chose to call home while organizers argued endlessly about whether to become a political party or keep the GA structure intact. Eventually the Occupy movement, started by a few brave souls in Zuccotti Park on September 17th, 2011, died.

Which brings us back to those halcyon days as a high schooler in Woodruff Park. The day after I had attended a meeting of the GA, police raided the park and shut down the Atlanta GA for good.

The police raid raised in my mind years later the pertinent question of political power. We the people, because we lacked political power, could not win. We were checkmated by the raw power of the state, ruthless in its intent to safeguard the capitalist system.

People’s control over the municipality is needed if the next incarnation of the GA is to triumph. This means conquering state power at the local level by winning control of the mayoral position, police chiefship, and city council. The new state based on the GA can be nurtured by the existing state freed from capitalist domination.

As a socialist, there is no impossibilism for me; the impossible at once becomes possible when we dare to dream dangerously. Of this fact, I am certain.

Erich Correns – A Brief Biographical Statement out of the handbook “Who was Who in the DDR?” (Translated from the original German)

Erich Correns

Chemist. President of the National Council of the National Front.

Biographical Statements out of the handbook Who was Who in the DDR?

Born in Tübingen; Father Karl Erich C., biologist; Gymnasium in Leipzig and Münster; Army service; 1918-22 studied chemistry, physics, and botany at the University Berlin and Tübingen, 1922 promoted to Dr. phil. in Berlin; 1922-24 assistant at Kaiser-Wilhelm Institute (KWI) for chemistry Berlin and at KWI for leather research Dresden; 1925 Industrial chemist for IG Farben Elberfeld, 1931 dir. of the Acetyl cellulose-business Elberfeld, 1933 dir. of the Copper-art silken factory Dormagen, 1937 dir. and construction of Cell wool-and Art silk GmbH Schwarza (Thür.); 1939 reprimanded by NS-authorities and forced resignation as manager; Wife died on transport to KZ; after 1939 advisor chemist for the Thür. Cell wool AG and the Cell wool-art silken-group.

1946 dir. of the Cell substance- and paper factory Rosenthal in Blankenstein (Saale); 1948-51 director of the Thür. Art silken works in Schwarza; 1949 NP; 1950-81 President of the National Council of the National Front; Fellow citizen of the journal Fiber Research and Textile Technology (later Journal Polymerica) Sec. member of the DAW. 1951-62 director of Institute for fiber substance research in Teltow-Seehof; 1953-59 professor for chemical technology Cell substance production at TH Dresden; 1954 VVO; beginning in 1954 representative in the People’s Chamber; Member of the ZV of the DSF and the president of the Councils of the KB; 1956 Dr. jur. h.c. of the HU Berlin; 1957 member of the Research Councils and 1960 States Councils; 1961 em.; 1971 KMO.

Recognized expert for cellular chemistry. Worked over Reaction processes by manufacturing tech. Cell substance and over Bacteria cellulose.


On Resistance to the New Fascism

By: Reece Gatliff

Hegel remarks somewhere, in his Philosophy of Right that all the sovereign must do is merely apply his or her signature to a law or decree, giving it immediate, forceful authority. It is the name here that counts. However, lurking behind the signature of the sovereign is the prevailing system. In Hegel’s example, the prevailing system would be that of the early-modern capitalist constitutional monarchy. Understanding this hidden fact is crucial to the resistance, if it is to adequately resist.

Some explanation, first, before getting into just how to resist.

Trump the president is but an appendage of this moribund system, exercising not his own will but the system’s will. Every time he signs a bill into law, or applies his signature to a written decree, he is advancing the cause of the transnational capitalist system.

In opposing the president, we are opposing the system. This fact is oftentimes hidden from sight, hence our frequent disgust with whatever new, horrible thing Trump does; we are really disgusted by what the system does.

DAPL, the rescinding of subsidies on solar power and health care, the cuts to funding for public schools and poor-relief programs, etc. are all actions which the most reactionary wing of the ruling capitalist class represented by the Republican Party has been taking and will continue to take: Trump’s signature, his revolting statements, his will are tied to this most reactionary wing of transnational capital; the fight thus is against this wing, not against the president per se, however when we resist the system we tend to butt heads with the bully-in-chief.

Now to the matter at hand, that of effectively resisting the system, the new fascism.

To an end electoral activity, voter registration drives, running for office, etc. are all part of the democratic struggle, a stepping stone to the class struggle.

To make for effective resistance, we must use the democratic struggle to bolster the class struggle and vice versa.

McDonald’s strikers a few years back being arrested comes to mind as what happens when we the people lack political power. With political power, the people can use the local police force to aid future strikes once having gained control over a strike-ridden municipality via electoral action; with people’s control over the mayoral position, the police chiefship, and the city council our economic power can be exercised effectively in the interest of beating capitalists on their own turf.

Communists are in the vanguard of the resistance against fascism. We are the most advanced rebels, who know the line of march. Our views are that of the proletariat, to which the author of this article proudly belongs. We fight in the trenches on the political and economic battlefield while exercising our collective Will to Socialism, the first perquisite for realizing the overthrow of capitalism. Communists are fighters, and always have been.

Let’s form ranks and fight this decadent, dying system. Fascism can’t exist alongside a combative working-class; it needs to destroy this combative working-class. Rather than let the system get the best of us, we will fight the fascists wherever we find them, not letting them break the workers’ defensive line. Not just defense, but offense is needed as well if we are to triumph. Through proper use of the Will, the proletariat can obtain class hegemony over a bourgeoise that has been resoundingly defeated. Of this fact, I am certain.

“Red Star Over Utah” Novel Excerpt

Red Star Over Utah: A Counterfactual History

Chapter One

From Utah and the Great War: The Beehive State and the World War I Experience

Utah, in 1919, was in a constant process of becoming. Since the 1870s, the Beehive State’s non-Mormon population had grown steadily, while roughly 60 percent of Utah’s residents were still members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. Most of the population resided in expanding urban centers. Salt Lake City and Ogden were the State’s two largest cities, with the capital featuring a rising skyline, an overall growth in its population, and the expansion of the capital’s neighborhoods.

Despite the collective, societal strength garnered from the surge of patriotism washing over Utah in the form of State and Liberty Bonds, victory gardens, and a rousing celebration by returning veterans and residents in SLC at the war’s end, people were afraid.

The production of zinc, silver, copper, and gold was 54 percent below 1918 levels, with major mining companies either closing their mines or laying off workers in large numbers. The price of wheat fell steadily throughout 1919, hurting farmers greatly.

Strikes hit hard. Prior to the seizure of political power by the SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies laws came forth from the State legislature which attempted to suppress the inevitable. These laws came in the form of the so-called Red Flag and Sabotage bills, passed by wealthy capitalist legislators.

The Red Flag bill was put forth by capitalist legislator J.E. Cardon, who asserted harshly that his bill was a “warning to agitators that there is no place for them in this State.” It passed easily, with only ten senators against. Twenty-four representatives voted for and only five against the accompanying Sabotage bill, with the former targeting the nascent SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies and the latter the syndicalist IWW.

The SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies met initially in February 1919, calling for “mass action to build up a real democratic government, a government of the workers, for the workers, and by the workers, to take control of politics and industry out of the hands of big business.” It would send letters to labor unions across the State asking them to join its cause.

Police were quick to act against radicals, using the two new laws to make arrests. The IWW offices in SLC were quickly shut down along with its press, resulting in IWW Solidarity editor Ralph Chaplin complaining to the SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies. Calls for a mass political strike were soon issued by the SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies followed by arrests made at one of its weekly meetings by plainclothes police officers. Despite the repression the mass political strike, slated for May 1st, 1919–May Day–moved ahead at breakneck speed as unionists, workers, Socialists, and Communists all worked to organize it.

On May Day, in the early morning hours, mail bombs ended up on the desks of attorney Frank K. Necker, reactionary Democratic senator William H. King, and conservative Senator Reed Smoot, killing all three individuals; a bomb also killed Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer, orchestrator of the national Red Scare, however the other thirty-two recipients were left unscathed. The mail bombs were likely delivered by a lone wolf murderer bent on causing mass chaos. The successful bombings pushed not just the Utah State government but also numerous other States and the Federal government over to the attempted brutal crushing of the May Day strike movement.

The Beehive State was gripped by the May Day strike soon afterwards.

The mass political strike brought the economy and government in Utah to a grinding halt. Despite being a staunch progressive, Jewish and non-Mormon Governor Simon Bamberger was forced to call out the National Guard in response to the unrest. The National Guardsmen, echoing what took place in other States on May Day, fired into crowds of striking workers, radicalizing them further. Many troops joined the strikers, allowing for the formation of a statewide workers’ militia, which soon began taking over control of whole towns and cities which was paralleled elsewhere in the country. New social political and economic power became reality in SLC, with the SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies issuing a call to all revolutionary parties and movements to jointly create a “Socialist State of Utah” through the convocation of an All-Utah Congress of Councils of Workers’, Soldiers’, Sailors’, and Farmers’ Deputies in SLC.

The All-Utah Council Congress met in SLC on May 12th, 1919 eleven days after the mass May Day political strike brought down the old bourgeois order. In the interest of unity, the Utah Socialist and Communist Parties agreed to form a working majority, with anarchists, IWW delegates and a smattering of nonparty delegates staying out of the resultant multiparty socialist-communist coalition government while nonetheless remaining highly supportive of it.

The formation of a Utahan Socialist Red Workers’ and Farmers’ Army was announced, while decrees on land and industry were read out to the delegates followed by much applause. Electing an executive committee to act as the supreme legislative and executive power between sessions of the Utah Council Congress and, starting work on a socialist State constitution, delegates to the national Council Congress in Washington D.C. were named as the Utah Council Congress’s last act before closing for the day.

Utah was now a socialist State.

Eugene Victor Debs had been to Utah before, during his 1904 presidential campaign tour of the Beehive State. Then, the class struggle was hidden; now, it had broken out into full-blown social revolution. Arms outstretched, his lean, angular body bent forwards, Debs began speaking to the crowd of plain-clothed workingmen, soldiers, and sailors in the Salt Lake City Federation of Labor building. The SLC Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies delegates whooped themselves hoarse as he did so.

His words broke through their throaty cheers, amplified by a microphone set up at the podium from which he stood: “There’s a new power in this great city, the combined political and economic power of the Salt Lake City Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies–your power!” That produced yet more cheers, forcing him to wait for the crowd to grow silent again. He continued, saying “I declare this meeting of the Salt Lake City Council of Workers’, Soldiers’, and Sailors’ Deputies open!”

As the 1919 Socialist candidate for president of the Council of People’s Secretaries, he was given honorary chairmanship over the meeting. The actual council chairman banged his gavel at a nearby table situated below the stage he was on.

After some time, the council chairman banged his gavel down and adjourned the meeting. As Debs was about to leave the hall, a burly State workers’ militiaman came up to him. “Mr. Debs, sir, it was an honor to hear you speak for the first time. I’d heard from a fellow soldier in the trenches that heaven breaks when you speak, and boy did it break.”

“Good to know I broke heaven with my words, friend. It’s also good to know that you’ve stormed heaven. You have the looks of a miner. Did you work in the mines before fighting in the war?”

“Yes, I was a copper miner before the country’s bourgeoisie got us into that damned imperialist slaughter. Fought on the Western Front, against the stinking, baby-killing krauts.”

Debs frowned at the militiaman’s prejudiced words. Many a worker still thought not in internationalist class terms, but in terms of the old, racist bourgeois nation-state. Still, the veteran was doing his duty for the new socialist State of Utah, as evidenced by the green uniform that he wore. The two men shook hands after having exchanged a few more words. Parting ways, Debs left the Federation of Labor building and melted into the large crowd filing outside of the entrance before catching a bus back to the train station, his bodyguards following him every step of the way.

Hopping onto the train, he settled into a hard-wooden seat. The train rolled on its way to Ogden. As it did so, he couldn’t help but smile, placing a bony hand onto the hat that he wore over his bald head and running his other hand down across his dapper tweed suit. The people’s revolution rolled on its way to final victory, and so would he at its head.

A Work in Progress: The Weimar Imperial Constitution

The Constitution of the German Empire

(“Weimar Imperial Constitution”)

August 11th 1919


The German People, few in Number and inspired by their Will, by renewing and by strengthening Freedom and Justice in the Empire, by serving internal and external Peace and by fostering social Progress, have given themselves this Constitution.

Article I: The German Empire is a Republic. State authority emanates out from the People.  

Article II: Imperial jurisdiction is based out of the territories of the German States. Other territories can through Imperial law be incorporated into the Empire, when based on the right of popular self-determination of their population.

Article III: The Imperial colors are black-red-gold. The Merchant flag is black-white-red with the Imperial colors in the upper canton.

Article IV: The recognized universal Rules of International law are effective as binding Components of Imperial laws.

Article V: State authority turns into an Imperial affair through the Organs of the Empire on the Foundation of the Imperial Constitution, into a States affair through the Organs of the States practiced on the Foundation of the Constitutions of the States.

Translator’s Notes: Volkerrechts translates to International law. I just caught this mistake in my attempt at translating the Constitution of the German Empire.

Organe translates, in modern parlance, into Organs as in “Organs of the State.” The origin of the German (and English) word organ is the Greek word όργανο or organo, which can also translate to instrument.

Holding Out for a Communal Socialist Commonwealth in Venezuela

By: Reece Gatliff

In Nietzsche’s philosophy, everyone can become a hero to his or her self by keeping sight of one’s highest hope. The Venezuelan people are making history, not losing sight of their highest hope–the communal socialist state–and in doing so becoming heroes to themselves and society.

Much ink has been spilt focusing on the doom and gloom behind the constant, recent unrest rocking Venezuela. Images pour out, images of burning trucks and cars, Molotov cocktails being lobbed at police, and structures both public and private reduced to ashes. The naked, unobservant eye sees only these images of woe and chaos, producing unpleasant thoughts of hopelessness and despair; these images are not reality: The reality is that the communal socialist state is just within reach, an antidote to the feeling of hopelessness and despair.

The upcoming Constituent Assembly is the harbinger of what is to come. Not just workers, los compensinos, and intellectuals but also women, people with disabilities, businesspersons, and many more citizens are to be included in the rewriting of the Bolivarian Constitution.

The MUD (Democratic Unity Roundtable) has thus far proven wholly incapable of destroying the Bolivarian Republic. Shorn of support from the working-class barrios, numerous members of the electoral coalition have taken to committing vicious acts of terrorism. They offer not a bright, hopeful future but a bleak one. It will take immense courage to overcome the MUD and usher in full-blown socialism; courage which the people of Venezuela undoubtedly have.

The old society, represented by the MUD, is dead. The new society is in a constant process of becoming. Hate shall be resoundingly defeated in the struggle for this new social order. Venezuelans are overcoming the violent protests by taking the necessary steps to alter their constitution in the interest of creating a more just, communal socialist society.

Let’s do all that we can to help them through this difficult time from the belly of the imperialist beast.

Hands off Venezuela!